Product Description

The Nazi conscience is not an oxymoron. In fact, the perpetrators of genocide had a powerful sense of right and wrong, based on civic values that exalted the moral righteousness of the ethnic community and denounced outsiders.

Claudia Koonz's latest work reveals how racial popularizers developed the infrastructure and rationale for genocide during the so-called normal years before World War II. Her careful reading of the voluminous Nazi writings on race traces the transformation of longtime Nazis' vulgar anti-Semitism into a racial ideology that seemed credible to the vast majority of ordinary Germans who never joined the Nazi Party. Challenging conventional assumptions about Hitler, Koonz locates the source of his charisma not in his summons to hate, but in his appeal to the collective virtue of his people, the Volk.

From 1933 to 1939, Nazi public culture was saturated with a blend of racial fear and ethnic pride that Koonz calls ethnic fundamentalism. Ordinary Germans were prepared for wartime atrocities by racial concepts widely disseminated in media not perceived as political: academic research, documentary films, mass-market magazines, racial hygiene and art exhibits, slide lectures, textbooks, and humor. By showing how Germans learned to countenance the everyday persecution of fellow citizens labeled as alien, Koonz makes a major contribution to our understanding of the Holocaust.

The Nazi Conscience chronicles the chilling saga of a modern state so powerful that it extinguished neighborliness, respect, and, ultimately, compassion for all those banished from the ethnic majority.

Product Details

• Amazon Sales Rank: #558897 in Books
• Published on: 2003-11-26
• Original language: English
• Binding: Hardcover
• 368 pages

From Publishers Weekly
"Not every being with a human face is human." According to Duke University historian Koonz, this statement by Nazi political theorist Carl Schmitt sums up the Nazi idea of "morality." To speak of a Nazi conscience "is not an oxymoron," she states. The party had a philosophy and an ethic-an idea of right and wrong-however repugnant today's readers may find it. It was a relativist morality, valuing the well-being of the Volk over that of outsiders. Hitler, Koonz says, understood the German people's need for a sense of coherence in the wake of what many saw as the degeneracy of the Weimar Republic-and "he promised to rescue old-fashioned values of honor and dignity" by offering a secular faith to replace lost religious certainties. Koonz explores the promotion of these beliefs in German culture and law, and how they led to the catastrophe of the Holocaust, adding much to our understanding of how a civilized society could reach such infamous levels of violence.
Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information, Inc.

Review
Faced with the German degradation and murder of the Jews from 1933 to 1945, historians and, indeed, so many thoughtful men and women have posed no question more insistently than, 'How could it happen?' Claudia Koonz's powerfully written study of the inculcation of a Nazi racialist ethos in the years before extermination answers this question as persuasively as any other to date.
--Charles S. Maier, author of The Unmasterable Past: History, Holocaust, and German National Identity (20040601)

In this valuable and original book, Claudia Koonz analyzes how the Nazis legitimized the Third Reich and facilitated Hitler's consensual dictatorship and genocidal policies. This daring reinterpretation of the relationship between the Nazi leadership, its middle- and low-ranking cadres, and other sectors of the German population shows the gradual shift in public opinion toward the regime's worldview. Ultimately, Nazism created a positive, moral image of itself just as it sanctioned the annihilation of enemies perceived as unethical and immoral.
--Omer Bartov, author of Germany's War and the Holocaust: Disputed Histories (20040326)

Claudia Koonz's arresting new book makes the case that between 1933 and 1939, before the Second World War and the Holocaust, the Nazis built a perverse ethical consensus in Germany. Preaching fears of racial weakness along with pride and commitment to a new moral order, self-righteous opinion leaders created an ethnic fundamentalism--of which we have not, she suggests in a closing reflection, seen the last.
--Michael R. Marrus, author of The Holocaust In History (20070401)

This is an artfully written book, with engaging asides and a captivating sense of detail and touching comment that is rare for a volume on Nazism. I don't know where else I've learned so much about everyday life and culture under Nazism.
--Robert N. Proctor, author of The Nazi War on Cancer

Hitler, Koonz says, understood the German people's need for a sense of coherence in the wake of what many saw as the degeneracy of the Weimar Republic--and 'he promised to rescue old-fashioned values of honor and dignity' by offering a secular faith to replace lost religious certainties. Koonz explores the promotion of these beliefs in German culture and law, and how they led to the catastrophe of the Holocaust, adding much to our understanding of how a civilized society could reach such infamous levels of violence. (Publishers Weekly )

Claudia Koonz...explains in her insightful new book how Germans, who were among Europe's least anti-Semitic people, came to support a leadership that sought to annihilate European Jewry...The readiness of many Germans to acquiesce evolved as a consequence of their internalization of the knowledge that was disseminated apparently by legitimate institutions of the state. As Koonz notes, the indoctrination was successful because there was little reason to question the facts conveyed by experts, documentary films, educational materials, and popular science. The German public was reeducated to support the elimination of Jews, Gypsies, the chronically ill, and other categories of the 'unfit'--all as a moral good, consistent with the dictates of conscience. Koonz's prodigious work is a major contribution to our understanding of the social and ideological history of the Third Reich.
--Jack Fischel (Weekly Standard )

Koonz does not deny the existence of extremist and violent anti-Semites in the Nazi leadership. But her stress on the moderate way their ultimately genocidal plans were presented as necessary cruelties adds an important dimension in our understanding of the Nazi regime and its crime.
--Antony Polonsky (Boston Globe )

Trudl Junge, former personal secretary to Adolf Hitler, once noted that the Führer's success came with his ability to manipulate other people's conscience. On a vast scale, the German people no longer knew right from wrong. Koonz presents a compelling argument to suggest that Junge was in some degree right. The Germans did not surrender their conscience but submitted to its transformation away from conventional Western notions of right and wrong to a radical, racial nationalism that established criteria for assessing moral actions and outcomes.
--J. Kleiman (Choice )

Koonz displays the gradual transformation of the traditional idea of conscience into something that was utterly shaped by the subordination of one's own self to that of the Volk.
--Aharon ben Anshel (Jewish Press )

[Koonz] documents in exemplary fashion what the historical actors actually thought, felt, advocated, planned, and organized before they acted...impressively researched, lucidly organized, disturbing, yet eminently readable.
--Michael Meyer (American Historical Review )

About the Author
Claudia Koonz is Professor of History at Duke University

Customer Reviews

Subversion
On a first glance Claudia Koonz' book on the Nazi conscience appears somewhat disappointing. Yes, it is fulsomely documented, relying on a wide variety of archival and contemporary sources, while also being copiously illustrated. But on the other hand this book seems too similar to other books, such as David Bankier and Ian Kershaw on public opinion during the Nazi years, and it does not seem to tell us anything new. But a closer look reveals something much more interesting. The title is a bit misleading. The book is less about Nazi concepts of conscience as it is about the subversion of the German conscience. The results of this process are both subtle and disturbing.

One day in 1940 a Nazi Youth member saw the Gestapo removing Jewish friend and the rest of the village's Jews and thought to himself, not how unfortunate that this was happening to Jews, but how unfortunate that his friend was Jewish. Such was the triumph of the Nazi conscience. As scholars are increasingly aware, the violent thuggish anti-Semitism of Julius Streicher and Nazi thugs was deeply unpopular, while racist ideas were controversial and intellectually questionable. How therefore could Hitler achieve his ends? Hitler, along with Goebbels, Himmler and Heydrich were the most radical and extreme of the anti-Semites. But all three were masters of making themselves appear to be more moderate and rational than they actually were. Most of the films approved by Goebbels appeared to lack any ideological content, Himmler went out of his way to make the SS appear more aristocratic and intellectual. Heydrich went out of his way to denounce "vulgar" anti-Semitic tactics. And Hitler, for his part, was careful to appear as the spokesman for "ethnic fundamentalism." Hitler's anti-Semitism was good for the cadres, but for the wider population the deeply moralistic, anti-liberal ethnic fundamentalism was better at presenting nihilistic ends in conservative language.

Koonz points out that as Hitler came closer to power he toned down his comments on Jews, and once in power he was careful not to associate himself too closely to the more unpopular extremists. Before the war, Koonz points out, he only directly and publicly stated his hatred of Jews three times. But he could also remind the extremists he was on their side by sneering at ideas, like feminism, as "Jewish." At the same time as he ostentatiously expressed his desire for peace and love for Christianity, Mein Kampf was publicized and its racism implicitly honoured. Koonz goes on to discuss such topics as academic support for the Nazis (including those old standbys Heidegger and Schmitt). She discusses the soft-sell techniques of Walter Gross and the Office of Racial Politics. "When speaking to general audiences, Gross appealed to ethnic pride; among Nazis, he mobilized racial hatred." There is a chapter on the Nazi approach to youth, again showing the same insidious soft sell, such as providing toy tanks to schools, or using Nazi party leaders' names for spelling exercises. One prominent Nazi primer devoted only 3 of its 256 pages to Jews. Although teachers and students were often repelled by Nazi cruelty towards Jewish children, the emphasis on Volk and Fatherland helped to make segregation more acceptable. There are also chapters on law and intellectuals, about how jurists tried to make rational sense of the racist nonsense they were supposed to using, and slowly but surely accepted more Nazi principles. We also read how the Nazis covered their ideas in pseudo-scientific and pseudo-scholarly garb. We also read about the complementary roles played by the crude SA and the deceptively "moderate" "intellectual" SS. Denunciation of "Jewry" played a minor role in the educational materials assigned to SS recruits. But understating racism made it easier to slip into the more conservative chauvinist consensus. The result was a society where if Germans did not fully appreciate the genocide of their fellow citizens, "they knew enough to know it was better not to know." Instead of communist societies which rigidly repeated their rigid dogmas and could expect little better than to have it parroted back to them, Nazi Germany was more successful in gaining internal adherence precisely because it was less "totalitarian." Its conscience was close enough to the pre-Nazi version in its emphasis on sacrifice and high moral purpose to blur those of the majority and encourage the cruelty of its soldiers. Precisely because the German mind was not a blank slate it could even be allowed a certain initiative. Instead of the crude counter-chauvinism of Daniel Goldhagen, Koonz presents a process that need not be confined to Germans. Indeed, we have already seen it among one of Germany's victims, Serbia, and much of the rest of Yugoslavia. And we may yet see it elsewhere.